Human rights are for the tricky cases, too
Catherine Dauvergne
Globe and Mail
Wednesday, Dec. 3, 2003
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The pesky thing about human rights is that they belong to human
beings. Not some more than others. Not citizens, not residents.
The universality of the human-rights commitment is hard to square
with the us-them line that drives immigration policy. Refugee claimants
are stuck in the middle -- the law accords them the slimmest of
rights -- hardly anything when compared with the broad expanse of
international human-rights regimes and rhetoric.
Margaret Wente and Jeffrey Simpson have recently argued here that
the Canadian refugee-determination system is open to abuse, is actively
being manipulated, and that Canadian courts are facilitating this.
Their claims reflect a surging global rhetoric demonizing asylum
seekers. Worse, they conflate refugee concerns with immigration
issues, when separating the two is the clearest path to understanding
what is at stake.
Canada has signed up to the international law concerning refugees.
Forged in the long shadow of the Second World War, this agreement
says that when people are fleeing persecution for narrowly specified
reasons, nations agreeing to the treaty will not send them back
to the places they fear. This isn't much, as rights documents go.
Persecution is not human-rights abuse, but a small and serious subset
of such. Refugees have no right to enter another country -- only
a right not to be returned in some circumstances, provided they
are not serious criminals, which very few are.
This commitment to protect a narrowly defined group of people from
a particular kind of harm means that Canada has agreed to take seriously
those who arrive here and claim to be refugees. Refugee determination
in Canada is a one-shot process. One chance to tell one's story
to one person, who then decides. There is no appeal. (An appeal
exists on the books, but the current government has indefinitely
delayed implementing it. Other major Western refugee-receiving nations
have some kind of appeal process.)
Here, one can ask the Federal Court for leave to look over basic
questions of fairness in the decision-making process. This isn't
a full appeal; besides, the court rarely agrees to do this. When
it does, it lacks the power to find the first decision simply wrong.
The best it can offer is a second chance. Last year, 46 per cent
of refugee claimants in Canada were found to be in need of protection.
A far cry from Canada's so-called open door.
We don't know the whole story about Hassan Almrei, a Syrian national
fighting deportation from Canada, because security concerns keep
it from us. How comfortable we are with not knowing the government's
side of the story is a matter each of us must determine. But we
do know of the Syrian government's reputation for torture. As a
matter of international law, Canada has signed a document that says
we will not send people to face torture. Never.
Yet, our Supreme Court felt that a commitment to never send people
back to face torture was taking human-rights protection too far.
The Minister of Immigration can make this decision (bearing in mind
that sending people to torture could infringe our basic sense of
justice). But Canada has other options for those we believe to be
terrorists: Thanks to our new anti-terrorism legislation, there's
ample scope to prosecute them here.
It is not the case that our commitment to international refugee
law is pulling hordes of people to Canada; 145 states have made
this commitment. What draws people to Canada is our wealth, in the
face of increasing global inequities. We want to be an international
champion of human rights and the rule of law. We look down our noses
at Guantanamo Bay; we condemn Syria. Protecting human rights is
not easy. Due process, like democracy, is time-consuming. But when
columnists find that some people's human rights are better than
others, they miss the point about being human.
Catherine Dauvergne is Canada Research Chair in Migration Law and
an associate professor in the University of British Columbia law
faculty.
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